Dubai: In the winter of 1956, a correspondent from The Times, David Holden, arrived in Bahrain, then a British protectorate, and uncovered the little-known historical ties between the Arabian Peninsula and British India. After a brief stint in teaching, Holden eagerly anticipated his assignment in Arabia but was surprised to find himself amidst a garden durbar celebrating Queen Victoria's appointment as Empress of India. Everywhere he traveled in the Gulf—Dubai, Abu Dhabi, and Oman—echoes of British India's influence were prevalent.
According to BBC, nearly a third of the Arabian Peninsula was once governed as part of the British Indian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. This crescent of Arabian protectorates, spanning from Aden to Kuwait, was administered from Delhi under the oversight of the Indian Political Service. Indian troops policed these regions, which were accountable to the Viceroy of India. The Interpretation Act of 1889 legally considered these protectorates as part of India, and Indian passports were issued as far west as Aden, a city that functioned as India's westernmost port.
The intricate ties between India and the Gulf were not widely known, even during the era. Maps highlighting the full extent of the Indian Empire were classified, and the Arabian territories were omitted from public documents to avoid diplomatic tensions with the Ottomans or Saudis. A lecturer from the Royal Asiatic Society humorously remarked on the secrecy, likening it to a sheikh veiling his favorite wife, suggesting that the British authorities shrouded the conditions in the Arab states in mystery.
By the 1920s, political landscapes began to shift. Indian nationalists started envisioning India as a cultural entity based on the geography of the Mahabharata rather than an imperial construct. This provided London with an opportunity to alter borders. On April 1, 1937, Aden was separated from India, marking the beginning of imperial partitions. King George VI's telegram acknowledged this administrative change, emphasizing that Aden's political association with the Indian Empire was being dissolved.
Despite these changes, the Gulf remained under the jurisdiction of the Government of India for another decade. British officials debated whether India or Pakistan should administer the Persian Gulf post-independence. However, the consensus among officials in Delhi was that the Gulf held little interest for the Indian government. Gulf resident William Hay noted that it would have been inappropriate to transfer responsibilities in the Gulf to Indians or Pakistanis.
The Gulf states, including Dubai and Kuwait, were ultimately separated from India on April 1, 1947, just months before India and Pakistan gained independence. As Indian and Pakistani officials integrated princely states into their respective nations, the Arab states of the Gulf were notably absent from these proceedings. The significance of this administrative decision remains underappreciated in both India and the Gulf.
British Prime Minister Clement Attlee's proposal to withdraw from Arabian territories alongside India was rejected, allowing Britain to retain its influence in the Gulf for another 24 years. This period was described by Gulf scholar Paul Rich as "the Indian Empire's last redoubt." The Indian rupee remained the official currency, and the British India Line was the primary mode of transport. Governance of the Arabian princely states continued under British residents with backgrounds in the Indian Political Service.
Britain's eventual withdrawal from the Gulf in 1971 marked the end of its colonial commitments east of Suez. The historical ties between the Gulf states and British India have largely been erased from their national narratives. While a relationship with Britain is acknowledged, governance from Delhi is not. This omission is significant for maintaining the myth of ancient sovereignty crucial to the region's monarchies.
Yet, private memories of the past persist. In 2009, Gulf scholar Paul Rich documented an elderly Qatari's memories of the social hierarchy during his youth, where Indians held a privileged status. The transformation of Dubai from a minor outpost of the Indian Empire to a key center in the Middle East underscores the dramatic changes over the decades.
Today, millions of Indians and Pakistanis reside in Dubai, largely unaware of the historical possibility that the oil-rich Gulf could have been part of India or Pakistan. A quiet bureaucratic decision during the twilight of the British Empire severed this connection, leaving behind only echoes of a once-shared history.